This blog is for people engaged in the struggle for peace and justice in our world today. I hope this provides deeper insight while provoking critical reflection on the practice of peace-making and justice-crafting, wherever you are and whatever context you are in. You will find topics here ranging from personal and spiritual reflections, shared learning, critical analysis, and social commentary on issues related to peace, justice, poverty, abundance, and reconciliation.

Thursday, July 28, 2016

Bayanihan Justice (Part 2): Bangon! Killing kids (and adults) in Davao didn't stop crime

Last Friday, I spoke with a pastor from Tagum city, who shared that of the 4,000 drug users/pushers that surrendered in that city, the police sent half of them home without doing or providing anything, they simply lack the resources to help. Another friend related a story from Cebu, where her son was staying in a boarding house, and heard what he thought were leaves falling on the roof, but which turned out to be bullets from a drug raid at the house next door. Apparently, there was a drug den and several users/seller were executed during the police raid. He was told by relatives that the victims had already surrendered to the police in previous weeks, but had gone back to selling drugs, and so they were killed.

In president Duterte's state of the nation address (SONA) on Monday, he painted a picture of the resilient Filipino, facing the darkness of the drug menace, a darkness so deep, because it is the dark just before the dawn of a new day. He vowed to continue his current approach to eradicate (based on PDEA figures) 3 million drug users and pushers, since the number of users and pushers that had surrendered (as of the SONA) amounted to only 120,000, with the those individuals arrested in the thousands.

But before we continue, we should ask ourselves, do we have any evidence to show that the current approach will work, from past experience? President Duterte made repeated referrals during his SONA to "come to Davao" and see how the city is a model of the success of his efforts in governance, and there is the widespread misperception that Davao is a safe, clean and drug free city. Let us therefore go to Davao and examine the evidence.

According to her January 2016 blog, former Davao City Judge and founder of the Transformative Justice Institute, Attorney Adoracion Avisado notes,

"Despite the allegation by some people that Davao City is drugs free, statistics show otherwise. The number of drugs cases pending before the two drugs courts are close  to four thousand as of the end of 2015. The number of cases filed each week are definitely more than the number of cases which the two branches of the trial court can dispose."

She further states that an average of 70 cases were scheduled each day in Davao, despite the fact that only 5 can realistically be handled, and that across the nation, it is common to have 30 cases scheduled in the daily docket. The Davao City jail in Ma-a has over 2,500 inmates, thought it was built too handle at most 800. Inmates literally sleep in shifts because there are not enough beds for everyone to lie down on.

This data is from the end of 2015, after more than a decade of Duterte's iron-fisted crack down on crime that left over 1,000 pushers, users and petty criminals dead, according to the Coalition Against Summary Executions. Thus, kung gamitin natin ang ating utak, we can deduce that the iron fist approach to crime does not work, because if it did, than crime surely would have been virtually wiped out, there would be no new drug cases filed in court, and the jail would be nearly empty. However, rather than reducing crime, after a decade of summary killings, there were still 4,000 cases pending in the court and over 2,500 inmates, most of them with drug charges, in the Davao city jail.

Having lived in Davao since 2008, I can also attest to the fact that crime is still a problem by personal experience. In 2012, I remember smelling the marijuana drift into our living room window from the house next door and hearing the male resident abuse his female partner through the window screen at night. We called the police to report both the domestic violence and the drug use. When the police arrived, they interviewed the woman in front of the abuser in the open street, breaking basic protocols regarding how to treat situations of violence against women. The drug den was never busted. My neighbors were victims of akyat bahay multiple times, as well as my parents in a different subdivision, yet nothing happened. I am not saying Davao was worse than any other city, but neither is it much better, and we need to be honest about it.

It's time for us in Davao to be realistic, because we are touted as the model the nation will follow. The "successes" of the city need to be put in their proper context, so that what is good can be emulated, and what is bad can be eliminated. We have to stop comparing the Davao of 2016 to the "NicarAgdao" of the 1980s. The killing of petty thieves from the year 2000-present did not solve the problem of sparrow units and Alsa Masa gun battles in the 1980s and 90s. Rather, it was shrewd political wrangling and quid-pro-quo alliances with the shadow players behind the gun slingers that reigned them in.

The killing of men and women in the sex trade (see my previous article, "Death stalks the streets") did not make us start following the speed limit, rather, consistent use of "speed guns" made people slow down. The killing of low-level criminals has nothing to do with the effective implementation of the women, children and gender code in the city and the 911 program. The killing of kids sniffing glue does not prevent bombings and terror attacks, because rugby boys are not the ones planning to bomb airports, ports and van terminals. We cannot use the justification that death squad killings are necessary for effective governance, which is the underlying message of the current administration.

Orasa na, bangon ta, ug gamiti ang atong huna-huna! Pwede man ta maghimayhimay kung unsa ang cause, ug unsa ang epek. Kay dili logical ang atong pag-justify sa DDS ug sa war on drugs sa national level.

What the extra judicial killings justify is not effective governance, but a narrative woven by that crafty, master story-teller and communicator, placing Digong himself as the center of a salvation story, where he rescues us and our city like Batman in Gotham city, and we repay him with elected office and the entrenchment of his family in political power. The war on drugs is not so much about drugs, as it is about power.

Thus, my argument is simple: first, most of the positive aspects of Davao governance were successful in spite of the DDS, not because of the DDS. Second, since the data indicates that former mayor Duterte could not eliminate crime in his own city, a relatively small city where he could exercise greater control of the mechanisms of government, we cannot expect him to succeed as president of a nation with over 100 million people in 6 months. And third, is the illogic of the "logic model" of the drug war, which is premised on the fact that killing criminals motivates those left alive to stop their criminal activities out of fear. But such is not the case, and our kababayan are paying a dear price for our failure to link causes and effects.

We therefore need to think more carefully about what actually works to reduce crime. There are lots of reasons crime increases and decreases, but hard data and lived experience shows, the summary execution of petty criminals does not help end criminality nor does it improve governance. We will have to be honest and look elsewhere for the answers...

Sunday, July 24, 2016

Bayanihan Justice (Part 1): Death Stalks the Streets

"What is a Christian response to Duterte?" This question was posed by my students in the conflict transformation class I teach at Asian Theological Seminary in Quezon City. What they really wanted to know was my perspective, as a resident of Davao city and a Christian peacemaker, regarding policies of extra judicial killings, the kind championed by Rody Duterte previously as mayor of Davao city, and now president of the Philippine nation. As a disclaimer, I have no problem with Pres. Duterte, he has some good "peace" initiatives, but his policy on justice and crime control needs critical examination as part of the broader effort for genuine and inclusive national development.

8/15/2008 - "A Spirit of Death walks the streets" After Angelica was stabbed to death this morning, a sense of fear assaulted the community. Angelica was the 3rd in a string of hits on the gay/transvestite community working in the sex trade. He was the center, flamboyant, everyone's friend....

Jason [another sex worker] asked Annabelle [an outreach worker] to accompany him to the police station to be taken off the list...the hit list is maintained by police, or at least they have access to it...Steve said the DDS (Davao Death Squad) is the only effective alternative to courts, where cases are not effectively prosecuted. "Targets" are warned, if they continue, then warned again, then taken out [killed].

The previous quotes are entries from my journal, the one I used in 2008 to record my thoughts as part of a Filipino sinalikway ("abandoned ones") outreach team among street youth and men and women in the sex trade in Davao City. It is these, the outcasts, the marginalized, the poor and desperately addicted - who bear the brunt of deadly policing. These journal entries highlight the heart of the the question. In fact, I take the question posed by my students to be less about Duterte, and more about how Christians of any and every kind, claiming to be followers of Jesus, the prince of peace, engage in the world of coercion, violence and death.

If we consider our creation story as a collective narrative grounding our understanding of human nature and social identity, we can also discern how to live in accordance with that identity and narrative. The scriptures read, "God created human kind in his own image, male and female he created them." This statement, reflecting the belief not only of Christians, but of Muslims and Jews, provides an anchor, asserting that all people are created as reflections of the identity of God. Many indigenous Filipino creation stories contain a similar theme. For the Talaandig tribe in Bukidnon province, the first human was brought to life when Magbabaya, God-the-creator, breathed into him and brought him to life. Life is sustained by the very breathe or spirit (Hebrew "ruah") of God, and all humans - including drug addicts, sex workers, gang members, corrupt politicians, wealthy business people, ordinary tricycle drivers, teachers - everyone, bears the sacred imprint of the divine.

Furthermore, the first instructions given by the creator show us how to live out the creative potential imparted by the divine breath of life: to establish a community of people on earth ("be fruitful and multiply and fill the earth"); to further develop, harmonize and cultivate the natural resources of creation ("Rule over every living thing....God...put him in the Garden to cultivate and keep it"); and finally, to "name" the animals, that is to speak meaning, purpose and culture into the creation itself, ("..the Lord God formed every beast...and brought them to the man to see what he would call them"). Thus we can see that the purpose of our collective existence is to create authentic community, nurture and cultivate our environment, and by our words and actions, bring to further life and fruition the culture around us, the good things that the creator has put under our care and responsibility. 

This creation story therefore provides the foundation for the establishment of a God-honoring justice system, recognizing the fundamental God-image of all people, and therefore implying that everyone should be treated with dignity regardless of their deeds. We can denounce acts of inhumanity and harm (both crime and violent punishment) and still treat those who harm others as humans with respect, created in the image of God. We can both "love the sinner and hate the sin" and thereby fulfill the vision of the creator for humans to be the cultivators and partakers of flourishing community. The following reflections will explore these questions: How do we live out a creative and compassionate approach to crime that honors both victims and offenders and leads to holistic peace (shalom)? This is what I refer to as Bayanihan Justice, and in fact we already have the resources on hand here in the Philippines to achieve it. However it will require an entirely new way of thinking and doing justice for this transformation to occur.


Jeremy Simons was born and raised in the Philippines and has been a resident of Davao City since 2008 working as a peace and reconciliation advocate. He is a Roman Catholic teaching conflict transformation at an Evangelical seminary, along with other institutions and NGOs. He spends the majority of time in restorative justice and peace accompaniment with Lumad First Nations and Muslim communities in Mindanao. The views expressed here are his own and do not reflect the position of any institution, church, denomination or group.