NOTE: This is an expanded
version of “PAGDARO SA KALINAW:
Dureza’s Betrayal and Duterte’s Hypocrisy in Marawi” that was first posted on
Mindanews at
http://www.mindanews.com/mindaviews/2017/09/pagdaro-sa-kalinaw-durezas-betrayal-and-dutertes-hypocrisy-in-marawi/
DUNEDIN, New Zealand (September 13, 2017) — Last month,
President Rodrigo Duterte criticized the Ombudsman for “selective justice,”
threatened an Iloilo mayor whom he accuses of shielding drug lords, and lashed
out at government agencies hiring overpriced contractors. But it would be good
for the President to look in the mirror at his own version of selective justice
and the hiring and shielding of Omar “Solitario” Ali, a Maranao leader who was
on the President’s own drug lord watch list. He was hired by the Office
of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process (OPAPP) because, as a
former Moro National Liberation Front commander and former mayor of Marawi
city, he agreed to negotiate with the Maute group in the administration’s
management, or perhaps mismanagement, of the Marawi crisis.
As a disclaimer, this report is independent in that it was not driven, funded or requested by any partisan or political party agenda. It is independent in that it will not ascribe to any one person or institution sole blame, but will try to illuminate the many factors in this complex situation. However, that does not mean it will not take a critical stance and make sharp conclusions, some with clear political implications, due to the gravity of what is found.
As a disclaimer, this report is independent in that it was not driven, funded or requested by any partisan or political party agenda. It is independent in that it will not ascribe to any one person or institution sole blame, but will try to illuminate the many factors in this complex situation. However, that does not mean it will not take a critical stance and make sharp conclusions, some with clear political implications, due to the gravity of what is found.
“Marawi City has the unsavory reputation of being the lynchpin in
Muslim Mindanao’s drug economy,” (p. 104) and is, “in the grip of
narco-politicans” (p. 105) so states International Alert’s “Out of the Shadows:
Violent Conflict and the Real Economy of Mindanao,” an in depth book of
research on the various “shadow economies,” including the illegal drug trade of
Mindanao published in 2013.
Drug trading reportedly worsened during the political dynasty of
Solitario who was mayor of Marawi from 2001-2007, and reached a full blown
crisis under his half-brother Fahad “Pre” Salic’s term as mayor of Marawi mayor
from 2007-2016. Additionally, according to the aforementioned study, “an
official with direct access to military intelligence stated that
narco-politicians from Lanao del Sur are conniving with the Kuratong Baleleng”
(p. 105), the supposed drug syndicate of the Parojinog clan in Ozamiz, who were
recently killed in an anti-drug raid by the Philippine National Police.
A Manila Bulletin report said Presidential Adviser on the Peace
Process Jesus Dureza admitted that Ali [aka “Solitario”] had contacted him by
phone “even before the Marawi (strife) erupted,” warning ‘about possible
(violent) incidents involving the Mautes’ as conveyed by Salic [Solitario’s
half brother, Fahad “Pre”], uncle by affinity to radical brothers Omar and
Abdullah Maute”[i].
In this report, “Dureza…confirmed that he had taken in (Solitario)
as an OPAPP consultant way before the Marawi siege erupted.”[ii] This
happened sometime after the Davao bombing in September 2016, and not long after
Solitario, Pre, and Arafats’ names had been included in President Duterte’s
drug watch list released in early August of 2016.[iii]
In Lanao, the underlying family relations surrounding these events
should be understood as much as possible. Pre and Solitario, half-brothers,
have the same father, of the Salic clan, while Solitario’s mother is of the Ali
clan of Marawi and Baloi, by which Solitario took the last name of “Ali” as a
revolutionary nom de guerre and MNLF commander.
Butig
Solitario’s son and Pre’s nephew is Arafat Salic, Marawi’s Vice
Mayor, who retains the last name of his grandfather, Solitario’s and Pre’s
father. Though Pre’s maternal line is of a different sub-clan that connects
with the clan of the Maute clan, Solitario and Pre, according to some, trace
both their maternal and paternal lineages back to one of the orginal 11
Datuships of Marawi, that being the Guimba and Buadi Sacayo, thus giving them
the strategic social status of sultans in Lanao. These lineage complexities are
vitally important as they serve as avenues of political alliance, even social
reconciliation, as well as unseen fault lines of conflict, and the means by
which risks are minimized and the rewards from involvement in both legal and illicit
economies are distributed.
Pre and his nephew Arafat were widely believed to be directly
involved not only in the drug trade, but also in kidnap-for-ransom (KFR)
/extortion in Lanao, with alleged Philippine military collusion. Additionally,
at various times they allied with, and competed against, the Maute family whom
the government accused of organizing the siege of Marawi, and was allegedly
behind the September 2016 Davao City bombing.
In October-November 2016, the military responded to the Davao
bombing by attacking Butig, Lanao del Sur, supposedly driving the Maute group
out and securing the area. However, the government must have known that they
had not succeeded in eradicating the threat, according to the Inquirer, because
they hired Solitario as a consultant, working with his half-brother Pre, to
negotiate with the Maute group in late November 2016, “soon after…government
troops…had overrun the Maute group’s lairs in several villages in Butig town.” [iv]
However, the government failed to woo the ISIS-affiliated Maute clan
through negotiations even after this military success. Perhaps this was an
indicator of political, not military incompetence, as one analyst noted,
“political feud yan –a small war of political clans in Butig which escalated into
full blown war.” Thus, in the lead up to the Marawi crisis, the government undercut
its all-out war against the Abu Sayaff in Sulu and military incursion into
Butig, as the same analyst observed, “while Jolo was bombarded and militarized,
Abus moved in the mainland Mindanao and in Bohol. Hindi isang surprisa ang
lahat. Nacomplicate lang lalo ang conflict nang pinasok ang gulo ng druga.
(None of this was a surprise, it just became more complicated, especially with
all the chaos caused by drugs).”
Complicated history
The complicated history of clan politics illuminates the background
to the violence in Lanao in the present. A local historian notes, “the
leadership of Marawi City is hotly contested by two clan groups – the five
Marawi Clans and the six Dansalan Clans. These clans belongs to the old
Confederacy of the 11 clans of Marawi. The dividing line of the two groups is
the Agus River.” These clan groups have been jockeying for influence in the
areas around that dividing line since the American invasion in the late 1800s.
The municipality was thus originally named “Dansalan” by the Americans, and
only changed to “Marawi” in the 1950s when a politician from the Marawi group
won the mayoralty.
Masked by the guise of the political developments of the Philippine
state and the revolutionary movements of the Moro National Liberation Front
(MNLF) and Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), clan dynamics and
affiliations remain fluid. At stake for the Maranao community in their hundred
and twenty years of resisting, accommodation, and manipulating outsiders, is
the political leverage needed to control access to the many resources of Lanao,
initially timber, then the fertile agricultural land and aquatic resources of
Lake Lanao, and more recently the production of shabu (methamphetamine)
and other profits derived from shadow economies. Of equal, or perhaps greater
importance, is the power to claim and assert Maranao cultural integrity, defend
family and clan, and retain honor (maratabat)
before the people.
The key to this leverage rests at the pinnacle of political
influence, which Solitario had achieved in a personal meeting with the
President, assisted by long time friend Dureza, as mentioned in Mindanews, when
Solitario, “met with President Duterte early on and volunteered to help, I
[Dureza] engaged him (in) OPAPP with a consultancy.” Later Dureza added, “At
one time, when the President was in Cagayan de Oro monitoring Marawi, I
arranged his phone call with the President. The President told him over the
phone that he instead should talk to me. So I continued handling him.”[v]
In an Inquirer article, Solitario said the Maute negotiations were
known at the presidential level, “(Solitario) told the Inquirer…that he took
orders from Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process Jesus Dureza. ‘I am sure
the President knew about my going to Butig.’”[vi]
Go ahead, do it
During Duterte’s speech to the Wallace Business forum in December 2016, the President also alluded to the demands and counter demands of the Maute-OPAPP negotiations that happened during and after Butig was overrun. He said: “we took consideration of the Maute rebellion going on in Lanao. And they said that they are willing to pull out…And they demanded that we stop the offensive…and I said they would stop fighting, provided we stop the offensive or not, they said that they will go down upon Marawi to burn the place. And I said, ‘Go ahead, do it.’”
One of the economic drivers of this relationship is revealed in
Duterte’s next comment at the Wallace forum, in response to the threat by Maute
to, “burn the place.” Duterte said: “We need to do a lot of constructions in
this country. There are a lot of materials there and we will be glad to rebuild
and rehabilitate every structure that you destroy. As long it’s confined in the
areas of Lanao, I don’t really care.”[vii]
Thus, in contemplating the reconstruction of Marawi, the rash
overconfidence of a President is exposed, willing to sacrifice the people and
place of Lanao for the economic benefit of construction contractors and the
political safety of his Lanao political affiliates.
Duterte needed to keep Solitario, his son, and his half-brother safe
because they were among the premier recognized leaders in the Marawi clans, as
well as Solitario being a key player in the Lanao del Sur provincial PDP-Laban
party that he ran under in the 2016 election (though Pre ran with
the UNA party in order to attract more votes). This was revealed in a text
message sent in the last quarter of 2016 where Solitario told his PDP-laban party-mates
to withdraw their support for Duterte as he and his brother Pre were included
in the drug watch list released by Duterte on August 7, 2016. According to a
local observer, “Part
of the emerging issue…was the reaction of former mayor Pre Salic's family about
their inclusion in the list regarding narco politics. They are supporters of
Duterte and felt betrayed for being listed. Threats about political withdrawal
of support were publicly known.”
Another reason for Solitario’s text was that Majul Gandamra, the
newly elected mayor of Marawi who had run on the Liberal Party banner, had
switched affiliation and been accepted into the PDP-Laban party of Duterte.
Solitario and kin apparently wanted a guarantee of loyalty after the PDP-Laban started
working with his political opponent. Solitario’s contract to work for OPAPP was
seemingly part of an arrangement that would give him an ongoing role in his
home town of Marawi even without elected office.
Thus, though Dureza was unable to remove Solitario or Pre’s name
from the drug watch list, there was no attempt to bring in law enforcement, and
the drug-accused former politician of Marawi worked for OPAPP for at least five
more months (the Inquirer mentions his first direct OPAPP work happening in
November), until the two lists of people with rebellion arrest warrants were
released in late May and early June [viii] respectively,
and Dureza was forced to revoke Solitario’s contract with OPAPP.
Dureza stated, according to the Manila Bulletin, that when
Solitario’s name was included in the arrest orders pursuant to the declaration
of martial law, “I revoked his consultancy arrangement with OPAPP….(He) stayed
in a safe sanctuary outside the city but kept in touch making suggestions on
how to deal with the developing incidents.”[ix]
How did Dureza stay in touch with a wanted man and where was this
safe sanctuary?
Delisted, relisted
Another key player mentioned in newspaper reports of the Maute and Solitario
negotiations is the Quijano clan of
Iligan, who benefit from their role as negotiators in resolving the many
kidnappings that have occurred over the years in Northern Mindanao. Some
believe that Solitario’s “safe sanctuary” was at one point the Phividec
Industrial Authority in Misamis Oriental where former Iligan mayor Franklin
Quijano was appointed administrator and CEO by President Duterte on July 14,
2017, at the recommendation of Dureza. Quijano had also been hired by Dureza as
an OPAPP consultant in August 2016 and was the Regional Party Chairman of (PDP)-LABAN for Region X, by which,
according to the Iligan pulse, “during the 2016 Presidential Elections, he was
able to deliver the winning votes in landslide for…the President of the
Republic of the Philippines.” [x]
While Solitario had been welcomed into the “safe sanctuary” provided
by his OPAPP “batch-mate” and political ally Franklin Quijano, Dureza made
intensive efforts to clear Solitario’s name and remove him from the second list
of people with warrants of arrest for rebellion, successfully getting his name
removed from that list on August 16, 2017. According to Mindanews, Dureza then,
“e-mailed the copies [of the clearances removing Solitario, Pre, and Arafat
being subject to arrest warrant for rebellion] to former Iligan Mayor Franklin
Quijano to pass them on to Omar Solitario”[xii].
However, that decision was reversed just six days later on August 22
by Defense Secretary and Martial Law administrator Gen. Delfin Lorenzana, who
stated, “It was Dureza who wants to utilize him kaya humingi siya ng (that’s
why he asked for) clearance, only to find out that the military, police and
Muslim leaders don’t want them released for complicity in the Marawi siege and
illegal drugs.” Furthermore, Lorenzano stated, “I told him (Dureza)….we
are not stopping the gathering of info about (Solitario’s) alleged connection
to the Mautes and illegal drugs”.[xii] After this
reversal, Solitario apparently fled to Manila, where he would be “beyond the
reach” of the martial law administrator.
The extent of the cozy relationship with Dureza and Solitario in
kidnapping negotiations goes back even before the kidnapping of Comelec
commissioner Elias Yusoph’s son.
in 2010, where Dureza met with Solitario for lunch to help with negotiations,
and in a Mindanews article declared, “I have been here for so long that I can
weave in and out and go to various political leaders and parties in Mindanao.”[xiii]
A long-time observer to the peace process notes that Solitario was
one of Dureza’s (who was a congressman at the time) key partners in dealing
with local kidnapping groups active during the Cory Aquino days. When Dureza
worked for president Ramos as Mindanao advisor in the 1990s, and later as peace
negotiator for Arroyo, whose administration spanned nearly a decade (2001 to
2010), Solitario was a key player in the peace process, having risen to the
mayorship of Marawi city (2001 to 2007).
Meanwhile, Franklin became mayor of nearby Iligan City (1998 to
2004) and his brother Robert “Bob” Quijano started a non-governmental
organization in Iligan. They are described by one respondent as,
“inseparable…Franklin is the open politician, [Bob] is the underground player
who has the contacts with the various underground groups…But both of them are
very committed to conflict resolution and are known to be involved in
facilitating the release of kidnap victims.” Franklin even earned the 2002 Most Outstanding City Mayor of the Philippines, Local
Government Leadership Award.
Yet more than one NGO
worker agreed that they, “earn from…high risk ventures and they capitalize
their connections with Maranao families.” As key governmental and non-governmental
players in Northern Mindanao, they are well known to numerous peacebuilding advocates
and civil society members across the island (including this author, who had Bob Quijano
as a participant in a restorative justice workshop in 2014). None-the-less, they
seem to define, “a classic case of how politicians are involved in KFR and
other illegal rackets while maintaining their stature as politicians,”
according to an observer.
Culture, clan honor
Along the way, the family members of Solitario Ali and Pre Salic allegedly became very involved in the illegal economy of Lanao, so that in a raid this past June 2017 the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency found five kilograms of shabu along with pro-ISIS paraphernalia in the home of Pre, and Solitario’s son, Arafat Salic. In the CNN article reporting the raid, PNP-Mindanao Drug Enforcement Chief Santos stated, “Druglord din siya kasama rin siya sa high value targets natin dito sa Marawi. Kasama siya sa may arrest order… Alam naman natin na sila former Mayor Salic at mga kapatid niya are known drug lords sa Marawi. (He is a druglord and is included as one of our high value targets here in Marawi. He is included in the arrest order…We really know that Mayor Salic and his brother are known drug lords in Marawi).”[xiv]
Still, some local leaders believe that Solitario was not the one
directly involved in drug trading, rather, that his brother Pre and son Arafat
were the primary drug lords. This theory states that Solitario was unable to
control them and was forced to protect them in order to save himself. In fact,
there were times over the years, when the two maternal clans of Solitario and
Pre feuded and almost escalated into rido (revenge killings),
but it was only the intervention of other clan leaders that prevented further
violence. In spite of manipulating and being caught between powerful external
forces and shifting alliances, the dictates of culture and clan honor (maratabat)
demand the protection of relatives, even those involved in illicit activities
and radicalisation, however disturbing and disastrous.
In this way, we can see that the roots of the Davao bombing, and
eventually, the Marawi siege, had much less to do with international terrorism,
and more to do with traditional clan feuding, political alliances and
patronage, exacerbated by the competition of local leaders attempting to
protect their illegal economies, a volatile combination ignited and inflamed by
the infusion of foreign “terror” ideology.
The demonstration in mid-June 2017 by a “third-party” group of
traditional Maranao leaders who protested their exclusion from the negotiations
was an indicator that these were in fact the underlying dynamic of conflict in
the siege. “Marawi Sultan Hamidullah Atar told reporters…that during the early
part of the conflict, the traditional leaders would have talked to the family
members of those involved during the attack of the Isis-linked radical groups
in Marawi…‘All of us are relatives. And we are not given the chance to link
these relatives and convey the message to negotiate for a
peaceful approach.’”[xv]
Openness to dialogue
In other words, the real issues in Marawi had much less to do with a
terroristic ideology (though that was a significant component, like pouring gas
on a fire), and much more to do with solvable concerns of governance and
corruption.
There was still openness to dialogue by the Maute leaders even after
the siege started, which was known by the government side. One informant who
was close to the efforts taken to address the situation shared the following:
“Reliable sources say that [MILF commander] Bravo’s lieutenants
talked with the Maute group leaders….[and] that they informed the military of
the concerns of the [Maute] militants, including the most serious ones: alleged
military involvement in kidnap for ransom that victimizes Maranaos. The Maute
knew it…because some of them were in the “business” for some time mainly for
fund raising….The second thorny issue…never mentioned in the media is the
brewing feud between the clan of the present ruling politician (former
Governor, now Vice Governor Mamintal Adiong, Jr.) of Lanao del Sur who,
according to the Maute, controlled everything and got all the government funds.
The Maute reportedly wanted the government to investigate the 32
corruption cases against the governor filed by some of their relatives that
seem to be in oblivion after Adiong’s family allegedly spent nearly half a
billion pesos bribing national officials in the Commission on Audit and other
offices. Some of the cases by the Maute family were against Adiong and Jimmy
Pansar, the Mayor of Butig who is the rival of the Romatos in Butig.”
One theory, then, about the continued military response by the
government in spite of these potential negotiations was their interest to
silence the Maute, who had knowledge of high level corruption in the military,
MILF, and government.
In the light of the culture of corruption in Mindanao, the efforts
Dureza made, and continues to make, to keep drug-involved members of the Ali
and Salic clans free from accountability, while disturbing, are not surprising
if government officials could be exposed in the process of a genuine
negotiation. Still one questions the head of the OPAPP, who is supposed to lead
in the implementation of peacebuilding when he engages in activities exactly
opposite to such objectives.
The Maute-Solitario-Malacanang
connection
So, the connection between Solitario and the Maute clan in the
Marawi crisis seems not to have been only to assist Dureza and Duterte in ceaesfire
negotiations via indirect extended family relationships. A Maranao non-governmental
worker with an intimate knowledge of local relationships and who was assigned
to the front lines of the Marawi siege for the duration of the crisis to assist
in civilian protection and evacuation provided important details of the on-the-ground
reality. The worker shared how,
“most of his (Solitario’s) relatives and cousins are loyal
supporters and were seen with the Maute manning check points during the siege…In
fact, (current Marawi city vice mayor) Arafat was one of the wounded…when he
was fighting with the Maute…the Solitario relatives were the ones who lead the
Basak Malutlut siege because that was their bastion. On May 23 he (Arafat) was
hit and withdrew to Marinaut where the Maute was strong but rushed to Tamparan
hospital [after a few days] pursued by military and escaped.”
What this tells us is that the Solitario clan itself was also one of
the several radical groups, including the Abu Sayyaf, that banded together
under the auspices of ISIS to lay siege to Marawi. This apparently corroborates
the material evidence (shabu and pro-ISIS paraphernalia) that was gathered at
the home of Pre and Arafat Salic by the PDEA in their June 2017 raid, as
mentioned previously. It also supports the allegation of General Lorenzana
during the conflict with Dureza over issuing clearances for Solitario, Pre, and
Arafat when he said, “we are not stopping the gathering of info about
(Solitario’s) alleged connection to the Mautes.”
Referring to Dureza and Digong’s connection to the Maute, this
worker noted, “We became a sacrificial lamb,” and, “they made our area as if
they are playing chess,” and wondered, “will our maratabat be restored when this crisis of (Duterte’s) leadership is
over?”
Not only was Marawi the sacrificial lamb, but while Duterte sent off
his soldiers to lay down their lives for the bansa on one hand, with the other, he
and his peace advisor consulted with, hired, hid, and protected the leader of
one of the terrorist groups directly involved in the Marawi siege as described above. The peace
advisor even went so far as to get Solitario’s name, his brother, and son who
was wounded while fighting against the AFP, if only temporarily, off the list
of people wanted for rebellion. Perhaps this is part of the explanation as to
why it has taken so long for the armed forces of the Philippines to dislodge
the ISIS conglomeration from Marawi, for simultaneously, it appears Malacanang
and its allies are trying to protect their own people within that ISIS
conglomeration.
This also makes one wonder about the “fair treatment” reported in
Mindanews, promised by Duterte to any of the Maute who surrender, saying “They
will be treated as criminals. If they surrender, they will be prosecuted.” [xvi]
For those Maute who are in fact Solitario relatives that fought alongside the
ISIS rebels, will there be a different standard of fairness, like the special
handling that Solitario, Pre, and Arafat receive?
“Selective justice”
The Maranao humanitarian worker in Marawi that described these events, and who was also a former supporter of Duterte, called this the “selective justice” of the Duterte administration. Perhaps, a better word is hypocrisy, or worse.
This entire situation also raises serious questions about the data
used to justify the declaration of martial law before Congress and the Supreme
Court. It is perhaps the reason why Marvic Leonen, the Supreme Court justice
with the most in depth knowledge of Mindanao, voted against the imposition of
martial law anywhere in Mindanao.
This shows us that not only has the congress abandoned its
responsibility as a check and balance of the president, but, as a colleague
points out, the Supreme Court abdicated its duty to properly appreciate,
examine, and delineate these realities and the “accurate” vs “sufficient” facts
presented by parties in the martial law Supreme Court review hearings. [xvii] Had they taken the time to do so, they would
have discovered that in fact, the President himself failed in preventing the
escalation of the Marawi crisis. There was apparently no lack of intelligence
at the highest levels of the administration, nor a breakdown in the
‘appreciation’ of that intelligence, regarding the presence of the Maute and
ISIS. Duterte was in close communication via his peace advisor, various clans
connections, and political allies, with many who had already been exposed on the
lists of drug-connected politicians and those with arrest warrants for
rebellion.
At the onset, many local residents in Marawi had welcomed the
declaration of martial law in the hopes that it would be used to hold
accountable corrupt and ineffective leaders. Unfortunately, they were sorely
and tragically disappointed. Rather, the Duterte administration worked through
OPAPP to protect its chosen people in Lanao and their ISIS-affiliated political
base that was financed by drug sales. It was this collusion that led to the
influx of other ISIS affiliated groups and eventually the full blown crisis in
Marawi.
Thus, not only do the people of Marawi suffer, but the government’s
actions have undercut and destroyed much of the peace process itself. Hundreds
have died as a direct and indirect result, hundreds of thousands were
displaced, human rights abuses suffered by survivors at the hands of the
military and the attackers, and there is incalculable damage to infrastructure
and economy. And so not only Mindanao, but all Filipinos bear the cost of
Duterte’s Marawi fiasco.
Meanwhile, back in Manila, Duterte complains about high priced
consultants, selective justice, and drug-protecting public officials.
(Jeremy Simons was born and raised in the Philippines and worked in
Davao as a peace and restorative justice advocate from 2008 to 2017. He is
currently a doctoral research candidate at the National Centre for Peace and
Conflict Studies in New Zealand researching indigenous and restorative justice in
the Philippines. He is also a prison chaplain at the Otago Correctional
Facility. He blogs at https://plowingpeacesowingjustice.blogspot.co.nz
and can be reached at kalinawsamindanao@gmail.com)
[v]http://www.mindanews.com/top-stories/2017/08/ex-mayor-of-marawi-removed-from-list-of-persons-to-be-arrested-for-rebellion/
[vi] http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/901810/maute-rebuffs-govt-2-times#ixzz4r0C5wffA
[vii]http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/901810/maute-rebuffs-govt-2-times#ixzz4r0C5wffA
[viii]http://www.mindanews.com/top-stories/2017/08/ex-mayor-of-marawi-removed-from-list-of-persons-to-be-arrested-for-rebellion/
[ix] http://news.mb.com.ph/2017/08/21/dnd-allows-marawi-ex-mayor-to-clear-name/#disqus_thread
[x] http://www.iliganpulse.com/people-strongly-endorse-atty-franklin-m-quijano-serve-dilg-secretary/
[xi]http://www.mindanews.com/top-stories/2017/08/ex-mayor-of-marawi-removed-from-list-of-persons-to-be-arrested-for-rebellion/
[xii] http://www.mindanews.com/top-stories/2017/08/ex-marawi-mayor-subject-to-arrest-again-due-to-vehement-objections-from-afp-pnp-local-officials/
[xiii]http://www.mindanews.com/top-stories/2010/06/dureza-flies-to-marawi-to-negotiate-for-yusoph’s-release/
[xiv]http://cnnphilippines.com/news/2017/06/24/Shabu-found-in-abandoned-houses-of-ex-Marawi-Mayor-Salic-and-brother.html
[xv]http://davaotoday.com/main/politics/maranao-traditional-leaders-plead-to-duterte-declare-ceasefire-stop-airstrikes-in-marawi/
[xvi]http://www.mindanews.com/top-stories/2017/09/duterte-vows-fair-treatment-for-maute-members-who-surrender/
[xvii]https://ncpacs.wordpress.com/2017/07/08/accurate-vs-sufficient-facts-locating-the-space-to-review-the-basis-of-the-2017-martial-law-proclamation/
